Introduction to Radical Capitalism - Part III

http://zambia.co.zm/articles/radical_capitalism3.html

There are so many people today who just invoke arbitrary rights without such recourse to logic and reality, which is why we have great confusion in society today, with rights being randomly granted to anything, from animals to trees to God and to just about anything else. Without integrating the factors that make the whole concept of rights viable, such irrational arbitrariness is inevitable.

In our upcoming constitution, we can already see this evidence of divorcing rights from an irrefutable foundation (property rights) which can be derived from common sense, as we have shown. We have had people suggesting all kinds of special rights based purely on their feelings of sympathy. Thus we are going to have special rights for the poor people, for example, which government will be obliged to meet by forcefully taking some property from those who are less poor.

There are no special rights that anyone can claim. Every human being has certain inalienable rights and these are built on the foundation of the principle of property ownership and not on whim or sympathy. This is why the dichotomy of “individual rights versus societal rights” is a false one based on a similarly false reification of society. And it is why the acceptance of property rights leads logically to the absolute acceptance of capitalism and the absolute rejection of socialism and all its variant or resultant forms that reject the sovereignty of the individual in his own life and over his own property (communism, fascism, etc).

This is currently the last of the series - I truly hope Mr. Chisala will continue this particular series of essays, as I have found them very approachable and useful in sharing with people who are misinformed about Capitalism. Chanda brings up the issue of rights in this essay - a crucial topic for any debate on government and the philosophical basis for any moral society. He demonstrates the relationship between rights and property, and shows how a philosophy's definition of rights shapes its entire societal system.

Introduction to Radical Capitalism - Part II

http://zambia.co.zm/articles/radical_capitalism2.html

You suggest that a better method is to simply be “pragmatic”. By this, I believe you mean that we should simply look at what works (or has worked) in practice, for our economic ends, and to follow that path. But pragmatism is a very poor way of guidance in life. Why? Let’s say we discover that corruption is actually good for the economy. Should we encourage corruption in the nation so that we could have economic growth? Your answer, I am sure is no. But why not? From pragmatism, it is not possible for you to simply reject corruption as a way to economic growth if statistics show that it is good for the economy.

The same can be said about slavery. One can possibly argue that some nations have had economic success as a result of using forced free labour (slavery). If pragmatism had had its way in this debate on slavery many years ago, the West would still be practicing it. Indeed there were pragmatists who saw nothing wrong with slavery since the slaves were foreigners and the human trade was helping their economy. But it was banned because a rational moral argument triumphed over mere pragmatism, as it always should. My argument against slavery is simply that you do not have the right to own or control someone else’s property – their mind and their body – and this is the same argument I use for capitalism. Pragmatism does not have a similar moral foundation to be a useful guide.

Bwana says that I should show how capitalism achieves the things that socialism wants to achieve, but in a better way, and so on. But why should I do that? Why should anyone, for example, spend time trying to show why freedom is better than dictatorship, or than slavery? That would be the pragmatic paradigm route, which we have already shown to be morally invalid. Since no one really needs to be convinced that freedom is better than slavery, or that theft is wrong, my responsibility is only to show how socialism is essentially equal to these vices (slavery or theft) – which infringe on property rights - and someone will easily make up their mind after they see this. If this is shown, there is no need to investigate whether it even has any advantages. The discussion simply closes there. Granted, some economists have shown that socialism is actually even counter-productive, but that’s just a wonderful coincidence of the nature of our benevolent universe or our good Lord – the important fact is that it’s immoral, just as slavery is immoral. Corruption has also been allegedly shown to be counter-productive from empirical evidence, but the issue still is that it is immoral, even if it was not shown to be counter-productive, and therefore it is not a valid option for a rational person or society to even investigate.

In Part II of his essays on Radical Capitalism, Chanda Chisala answers his reader's critical comments, particularly an argument for a more pragmatic approach to deciding their society's government. I am impressed with his clear, logical responses. These essays are a very good introduction to what Capitalism entails for those who are unclear or misguided on the subject.

Introduction to Radical Capitalism - Part I

http://zambia.co.zm/articles/radical_capitalism1.html

One of the most common comments one hears whenever there is a discussion on how Africa can solve its problems is this: “we have tried socialism and we have tried capitalism; neither of them have worked. It is time for us to try out a new system of economics, something invented by ourselves.”

This statement always sounds very attractive to many unsuspecting intellectuals and yet it is quite a meaningless statement. To break it down to essentials, what it actually means is this: “we have tried taking the rights of individuals to own their property from them, and we have tried letting individuals keep their rights of owning their property; neither has worked. It is time for us to try out a new system, something invented by ourselves.”

Unfortunately, there is no “third way”. This is a question of very basic logic. Either you allow a person to be an owner of his property or you forcefully assume ownership and control of his property (through government). The former is the essence of capitalism and the latter is the essence of socialism, whether you like those two terms or not.

This is part of an excellent series of essays on Radical Capitalism, written by an editor in Zambia. I stumbled upon these writings by accident, and quickly realized they were very articulate arguments in favor of capitalism. I was further surprised to find out that they were written in the context of a public debate happening right now in Zambia concerning the organization of their society and government! It seems they are in the process of creating a new Constitution, and this writer is advocating the adoption of capitalism as the moral basis of government for Zambia.

Time for Another Revolution

http://www.mises.org/story/2633

In 1913 the relationship between the State and Society was reversed. Areas which had heretofore been considered within the private domain, sacred ground so to speak, were now invaded by the arrogant and enriched State, and within thirty years the individual was squeezed into a corner so small that even his soul lacked elbow room. His case was far worse than it was in 1776; in exchange for an income tax King George III would have conceded every point made against him by the colonists, and might even have done penance for past sins. But, such was the character of these Americans that they challenged him to battle because he presumed to impose a miserable tax on tea. What they won at Yorktown was lost by their offspring one hundred and thirty-two years later.

Were the disposition of the current crop of Americans comparable to that of their forbears, a new revolution, to regain the profit of the first one, would be in order. There is far more justification for it now than there was in 1776. But, people do not do what reason dictates; they do what their disposition impels them to do. And the American disposition of the 1950s is flaccidly placid, obsequious and completely without a sense of freedom; it has been molded into that condition by the proceeds of the Sixteenth Amendment. We are Americans geographically, not in the tradition. In the circumstances, a return to the Constitutional immunities must wait for a miracle.

An excellent essay on the need for a revolution - as great a need as existed at the birth of our nation. Too many people are ignorant of the Constitution - its purpose, its principles, and even its weaknesses and why they exist. It all sounds too anachronistic to be taken seriously today. Defenders of the Constitution are seen as blind nostalgic cultists, out of touch with modernity. That's easy to believe when you don't understand the philosophical and moral challenges of our day, let alone the historical context (and the amazing similarities).

Frank outlines the foundations of the Constitution, the social struggle, the loss of liberty, and the slow erosion of protections against the powers of the State. The entire book can be downloaded for free here.